̽��ֱ�� of Cambridge - Michael Kenny

Major new policy school at Cambridge set to advance ‘good growth’

fpjl2 — Mon, 03 Mar 2025 09:18:50 +0000

The Bennett School of Public Policy opens this autumn, and is already leading work on two of the most pressing policy problems of our time: implementing AI and revitalising post-industrial regions.

England needs a Secretary of State and ‘council of mayors’ at the heart of Whitehall

fpjl2 — Thu, 06 Apr 2023 08:40:15 +0000

England has a level of centralised control comparable to far smaller nations, yet the country remains a “ghost-like presence” barely acknowledged by Whitehall and Westminster, a new report suggests.

‘Levelling up’ met with widespread scepticism across England

fpjl2 — Tue, 14 Sep 2021 08:12:56 +0000

More than half of people across England (53%) think the government’s ‘levelling up’ strategy will either make no difference locally or result in less money for their area, according to a new survey study conducted by the ̽��ֱ�� of Cambridge and YouGov.

While more than two-thirds of English people (68%) are behind the idea of reducing regional inequalities, believing it should be a “high or medium priority” for the government, one in two respondents across England suspect that levelling up will either not affect their local economy or actively harm it.

̽��ֱ��research suggests major regional splits. Almost half (47%) of people in London and the South East think ‘levelling up’ will mean less government investment in their area, and only 18% think it should be one of government’s top four priorities.

However, in the Midlands and the North – regions with more post-industrial areas that could benefit from this policy programme – support for ‘levelling up’ is much higher, but not overwhelming: 40% think it should be a high priority, and 41% believe their local area will see more money as a result.

̽��ֱ��research, conducted in May of this year and published today by the Bennett Institute for Public Policy and YouGov-Cambridge Centre for Public Opinion Research, also gathered data on national identity along with English attitudes to Brexit and Scottish independence.

“Those Conservatives raising concerns over how a focus on levelling up might affect party support in the Home Counties are right to be worried,” said report co-author Prof Michael Kenny, Director of Cambridge’s Bennett Institute.

“Johnson insists that levelling up will not mean ‘robbing Peter to pay Paul’, but residents of south east England appear to suspect the agenda will involve some redistribution, and that they will be on the losing end of it.”

“However, large numbers of voters in historically Labour seats across the Midlands and North appear willing to buy the Prime Minister’s rhetoric, for the time being at least – underlying the depth of the challenge facing Keir Starmer in these areas,” Kenny said.

̽��ֱ��research follows a recent Bennett Institute report calling for 25% of both the Levelling Up and Towns funds to go towards spending on “social infrastructure”: the amenities and businesses that plug people into their local communities – from pubs and parks to libraries and sports clubs.

“A focus on services such as cinemas, museums and leisure centres may be a fast way of boosting local employment and pride, helping to assuage cynicism towards the levelling up agenda,” said Kenny.

“Government has an ingrained bias towards large-scale infrastructure projects such as HS2. Interventions that seek to restore dilapidated town centres or support local initiatives are far more socially and economically beneficial than many in government appreciate.”

̽��ֱ��previous report, part of the Institute’s Townscapes project, highlights the fact that social infrastructure-related services account for almost half the jobs in some “left behind” towns, such as Skegness (46% of total employment).

British vs. English

̽��ֱ��latest study also investigated feelings of national identity across England. ̽��ֱ��largest share (37%) of people see themselves as equally British and English, while 30% class themselves as English – either ahead of, or instead of, British – compared to 21% who consider themselves entirely or predominantly British.

̽��ֱ��outlooks of English-leaning and British-leaning groups differ on some key issues. A majority of British identifiers (56%) think levels of immigration should be maintained or increased, but just 22% of English identifiers agree, while 66% of English-leaning respondents think the UK was right to leave the EU compared to 30% of the British group.

However, both groups share a broadly positive outlook towards globalisation. In fact, over a third (36%) of those identifying as English – sometimes characterised as anti-cosmopolitan nationalists – think globalisation has been good for the UK economy, compared to just 23% who think it has been bad.

Moreover, 29% of English identifiers feel globalisation has benefitted their own standard of living, almost double those who think the opposite (16%). More English identifiers also feel it has been good (33%) rather than bad (29%) for UK cultural life.

“While some in metropolitan areas may fear a resurgent English nationalism in the hinterlands, our results suggest a need to avoid easy assumptions about those who feel more proud of their English national identity,” said Kenny.

Overall, the survey failed to detect any Brexit-related “buyer’s remorse” in England, with 46% stating that the UK was right to leave the EU, compared to 39% saying it was wrong to do so. On Scottish independence, the English appear to be somewhat ambivalent: over a quarter (26%) don’t yet know what they think, almost the same proportion that support it (27%), while 48% oppose it.

When asked if Scotland currently receives its “fair share” from Westminster, some 22% said it does, while 36% said it gets more than what’s fair, but a full third (33%) said they didn’t know – suggesting “low levels of awareness and understanding of devolution among the English” according to the researchers.

Researchers say Tories are “right to be worried” about parts of the Home Counties due to fears over the meaning of levelling up. ̽��ֱ��study also investigates national identity, finding some attitudes run counter to ‘Little Englander’ labels.

Interventions that seek to restore dilapidated town centres or support local initiatives are far more socially and economically beneficial than many in government appreciate

Michael Kenny

Kai Bossom via Unsplash

Hastings, UK

̽��ֱ��text in this work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. Images, including our videos, are Copyright © ̽��ֱ�� of Cambridge and licensors/contributors as identified. All rights reserved. We make our image and video content available in a number of ways – as here, on our main website under its Terms and conditions, and on a range of channels including social media that permit your use and sharing of our content under their respective Terms.

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Europe-wide political divide emerging between cities and countryside – study

fpjl2 — Tue, 17 Aug 2021 10:14:39 +0000

A new study reveals the extent of the political divide opening up between city and countryside right across Europe, with research suggesting that political polarisation in the 21st century may have a lot to do with place and location.

̽��ֱ�� of Cambridge researchers analysed survey data collected between 2002 and 2018 to gauge the social and civic attitudes of people across the cities, towns and rural areas of 30 European countries.

̽��ֱ��findings show that political division throughout the continent runs on a 'gradient' of disenchantment and distrust in democracy that increases as it moves from urban centres through suburbs, towns, villages and out into open country.

People in the more rural parts of Europe have the lowest levels of trust in their nation’s current political system – and yet are significantly more likely than their urban counterparts to actually vote in elections.

Those in suburbs, followed by towns and then the countryside, are increasingly more likely to see themselves as politically conservative, and hold anti-immigration and anti-EU views, while city dwellers lean towards the left.

However, it’s not the poorest rural areas where disillusion is strongest, and small town and countryside dwellers report much higher levels of life satisfaction while voicing dissatisfaction with democratic institutions.

Researchers from Cambridge’s Bennett Institute for Public Policy and Department of Land Economy say the study suggests a 'deepening geographical fracture' in European societies that could see a return to the stark urban-rural political divides of the early 20th century.

“Those living outside of Europe’s major urban centres have much less faith in politics,” said study co-author Professor Michael Kenny from the Bennett Institute.

“ ̽��ֱ��growth of disenchantment in more rural areas has provided fertile soil for nationalist and populist parties and causes – a trend that looks set to continue.”

“Mainstream politicians seeking to re-engage residents of small towns and villages must provide economic opportunities, but they also need to address feelings of disconnection from mainstream politics and the changes associated with a more globalised economy,” he said.

Across Western Europe, residents of rural areas are on average 33.5% more likely to vote than those in inner cities, but 16% less likely to report a one-unit increase in their trust of political parties on a scale of 0-10. They are also far less likely to engage in political actions such as protests and boycotts.

Conservatism incrementally increases as locations shift from suburb to town to the countryside. Europeans in rural places are an average of 57% more likely to feel one point closer to the right on the political spectrum (on a ten-point scale where five is the centre ground) than a city dweller.

When asked if migration and the EU 'enrich the national culture', rural Europeans are 55% more likely than those in cities to disagree by one unit on a ten-unit scale.

However, on issues of the welfare state and trust in police – both iconic in post-war rhetorical battles between left and right – no urban-rural divisions were detected. “Worries about law and welfare may no longer be key to Europe’s political geography in our new populist age,” said Kenny.

Last year, research from the Bennett Institute revealed a global decline in satisfaction with democracy, and the latest study suggests that – in Europe, at least – this is most acute in rural locations.

After discounting characteristics typically thought to influence political attitudes, from education to age, the researchers still found that people in rural housing were 10% more likely than urbanites to report a one unit drop in democratic satisfaction (on a scale of 0-10).

“We find that there is a geography to current patterns of political disillusion,” said Dr Davide Luca of the Land Economy Department, co-author of the study now published in the Cambridge Journal of Regions, Economy and Society.

“As disenchantment rises in European hinterlands, democratic politics risks being eroded from within by people who engage with elections yet distrust the system and are drawn to populist, anti-system parties.”

Of the 30 nations they looked at – the EU27 plus Norway, Switzerland and the UK – France had the sharpest urban-rural divide in political attitudes. “Large cities such as Paris and Lyon are seen to be highly globalised and full of bohemians nicknamed the ‘bobos’, while small towns and rural areas are primarily inhabited by long-term immigrants and the indigenous working classes,” Luca said.

While less pronounced across the Channel, the trend is still very much in evidence in the UK. “Cambridge is a prime example,” explains Luca. “ ̽��ֱ��centre hosts the world’s leading labs and companies, yet greater Cambridge is one of the UK’s least equal cities – and the fenland market towns are even more disconnected from the city’s hyper-globalised core.”

Added Luca: “Ageing populations in small towns and villages combined with years of austerity have put pressure on public services in rural areas – services that are often central to the social connections needed for a community to thrive.

“Reviving these services may be key to reducing the political divides emerging between urban and rural populations across Europe.”

“Geography of disillusion” poses a major challenge for democratic countries across the continent, according to researchers.

As disenchantment rises in European hinterlands, democratic politics risks being eroded from within

Davide Luca

Miguel Alcântara

̽��ֱ��back streets of Montpellier, France

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Ringfence funding for ‘social plumbing’ to level up the UK

fpjl2 — Tue, 11 May 2021 10:31:32 +0000

Cambridge experts argue that spaces and facilities where people mix and engage, from pubs to playgrounds, are just as vital as physical infrastructure projects for reviving ‘left behind’ towns.

Whitehall’s failure to adapt to devolution has left the Union on the brink – report

fpjl2 — Mon, 12 Apr 2021 07:42:17 +0000

A study by Cambridge political scientists, including a former Permanent Secretary, charts two decades of central government’s inability to get to grips with devolution, and the role this has played in the current parlous state of the Union.

Cambridge takes major role in initiative to help solve UK ‘productivity puzzle’

fpjl2 — Fri, 21 Aug 2020 05:37:06 +0000

̽��ֱ�� ̽��ֱ�� of Cambridge is one of the partners in a major new £32.4m Productivity Institute, announced today by the Department of Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy. It is the largest economic and social research investment ever in the UK.

Productivity – the way ideas and labour are transformed into products and services that benefit society – has been lacklustre in the UK over recent decades, with limited growth stalled further by the global financial crisis of 2008-9 and the impact of the coronavirus pandemic.

To address the urgent challenge, the new Institute will bring together institutions and researchers from across the country to tackle questions of job creation, sustainability and wellbeing, as the UK looks to a post-pandemic future full of technological and environmental upheaval.

Professor Diane Coyle, co-director of the ̽��ֱ��’s Bennett Institute for Public Policy will be one of the new Institute’s Directors and leading one of its eight major research themes. She will be heading up the strand on Knowledge Capital: the ideas that drive productivity and progress.

Professor Anna Vignoles from Cambridge’s Faculty of Education will helm another of the main research strands, on Human Capital: the cultivation of people’s skills and abilities. Both lead academics will be supported by a host of other Cambridge researchers from a variety of departments, including POLIS, Psychology, Economics, and the Institute for Manufacturing.

̽��ֱ��Productivity Institute will be headquartered at the ̽��ֱ�� of Manchester, and, along with Cambridge, other members of the leading consortium include the National Institute of Economic and Social Research and the universities of Glasgow, Sheffield, Cardiff and Warwick. ̽��ֱ��new Institute is funded by the Economic and Social Research Council (part of UK Research and Innovation).

“Productivity is economic jargon for something fundamentally important,” said Professor Coyle. “This is the question of what will enable people’s lives everywhere to improve sustainably over time, ensuring new technologies, along with business and policy choices, bring widespread benefits.”

“Productivity is key to the creation of decent work and the provision of high quality education and healthcare. Its growth offers people sustainable improvements in their standard of living,” she said.

̽��ֱ��Knowledge Capital theme, led by Coyle, will investigate the way that ideas and know-how – “intangible assets” not easily defined or measured – permeate our society and the economy.

“We want to understand better the links between productivity and things that are important but hard to pin down, whether that’s how businesses adopt new technologies and ideas or the role of social networks in determining how well different areas perform,” said Coyle.

Professor Vignoles will lead a team considering the importance of individuals’ wellbeing and productivity, which will include Cambridge psychologist Dr Simone Schnall. It remains an open question as to whether greater wellbeing can increase the productivity of individuals, and what the implications of this might be for both national policy and firms’ strategies.

“Increasing productivity is a pressing priority for the UK and understanding whether policies to improve individuals’ wellbeing are also likely to improve their productivity is crucial,” Professor Vignoles said.

̽��ֱ��fulcrum for Cambridge’s involvement in the new Productivity Institute will be the ̽��ֱ��’s recently established Bennett Institute for Public Policy, where Professor Coyle is based.

Since its launch in 2018, the Bennett Institute has been concentrating on the “challenges posed by the productivity puzzle” in the UK, says the Institute’s Director Professor Michael Kenny, with a focus on ensuring notions of “place” are brought to the fore.

“We are delighted to be contributing to this major new initiative,” said Kenny. “Under the leadership of Professor Coyle, we have been working to understand the many different factors and dynamics which explain the well-springs of, and obstacles to, productivity growth.”

Professor Stephen Toope, Vice-Chancellor of the ̽��ֱ�� of Cambridge, said: “I am thrilled that the ̽��ֱ�� will be playing a pivotal role in the new Productivity Institute.”

“ ̽��ֱ��knowledge generated by universities such as ours is a fuel for productivity, and will be fundamental to the resilience of the United Kingdom, and the opportunities afforded its citizens, in a post-pandemic world.”

Science Minister Amanda Solloway said: “Improving productivity is central to driving forward our long-term economic recovery and ensuring that we level up wages and living standards across every part of the UK."

̽��ֱ�� ̽��ֱ�� is to be a key partner in a new national effort to boost British productivity, bringing together expertise to tackle questions of job creation, sustainability and wellbeing, as the UK looks to its post-pandemic future.

Productivity is key to the creation of decent work and the provision of high quality education and healthcare

Diane Coyle

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People in England’s poorest towns ‘lose over a decade of good health’, research finds

fpjl2 — Wed, 17 Jun 2020 08:28:44 +0000

Populations in England’s poorest towns have on average 12 fewer years of good health than those in the country’s richest towns, according to new research from the ̽��ֱ�� of Cambridge’s Bennett Institute.

̽��ֱ��study shows that the number of hospital admissions for self-harm in the most deprived towns is – on average – almost double that of the most affluent, with alcohol-related admissions over 75% higher than in the least deprived towns.

Lung cancer is twice as prevalent in the most deprived towns, and child obesity in the poorest towns stands at an average of 23% by the end of primary school, compared to around 12% in the wealthiest.

In fact, researchers say the overall life expectancy of town-based populations is “moving in a worse direction” compared to cities – with female life expectancy now higher in English cities than towns for the first time this century.

“ ̽��ֱ��previous pattern of rising life expectancy has stalled or gone into reverse in many English towns,” said Prof Mike Kenny, report coauthor and Director of the Bennett Institute for Public Policy. “Declining fortunes and debates over Brexit have highlighted the chasm that divides many town inhabitants from those in cities.

“However, on some key health measures, inequalities between towns are much greater than the average difference between towns and cities. People in England’s most deprived towns lose over a decade of good health compared to the populations of wealthy towns.”

“There is an overriding need for policies to address the large and widening gaps in the health and opportunities of many towns. These policies should be integral to post-pandemic economic recovery agendas,” Kenny said.

̽��ֱ��team found a “strong geographical context”: most of the healthiest towns are in the South East, while most of the unhealthiest towns are situated in former industrial areas of Northern England.

Towns with the longest life expectancy include Frimley in Surrey, and Filton near Bristol. Populations with the shortest lives, on average, were found in Thurnscoe, near Barnsley, and Oldham.

Two seaside towns at either end of the country, Blackpool in the Northwest and Jaywick in East Anglia, had the highest levels of self-harm. Another coastal town, Newbiggin-by-the-sea, near the former collieries north of Newcastle, had the highest child obesity rates. Eccles and Salford on the outskirts of Manchester are the towns with most alcohol-related hospital admissions.

Hertforshire contains a number of England’s healthiest and wealthiest towns, such as Radlett and Harpenden, while many of the country’s unhealthiest towns – scattered across the north – are also those with the largest populations.

̽��ֱ��provision of public green spaces – so important for physical and mental health, and never more so than during the recent coronavirus lockdown – was another dividing line between wealthy and unhealthy towns.

̽��ֱ��most affluent towns are on average twice as likely as the most deprived towns to have a common or municipal park within their “built-up area boundary”, according to researchers.

They also found that the most deprived towns had – on average, per capita – 50% more fast food shops than the most affluent towns.

“More deprived towns are much less likely to have a green town centre and much more likely to have high numbers of fast food outlets than their wealthier counterparts,” said Ben Goodair, the report’s lead researcher. “Both these factors contribute significantly to the widening of geographic health inequalities in England.”

“There is every chance that the coronavirus pandemic will make the inequalities we see in our research even worse,” said Goodair. “Many deprived towns have an older age profile, and are more susceptible to the worst effects of the virus, as well as low employment prospects that will be reduced even further by the economic consequences of lockdown.”

̽��ֱ��report only looked at COVID-19 data up to mid-April, but found a slightly higher death rate was already visible in the more deprived towns during the early phase of the pandemic.

Added Kenny: “ ̽��ֱ��current government has said it is committed to ‘levelling up’ England’s regions. Tackling the factors damaging the health of the poorest towns will have to go much further than the hospital walls, including boosting skill levels, promoting local employment and building community resilience.”

Cambridge researchers find major health inequalities – as well as a geographic divide – between the most and least deprived English towns. They say that life expectancy in cities is now overtaking towns for the first time.

̽��ֱ��previous pattern of rising life expectancy has stalled or gone into reverse in many English towns

Mike Kenny

Clive Varley

Abingdon street in central Blackpool, the English town with the highest rate of hospital admissions for self-harm.

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